Skip to main

Impact case study database

The impact case study database allows you to browse and search for impact case studies submitted to the REF 2021. Use the search and filters below to find the impact case studies you are looking for.

Search and filter

Filter by

  • Birkbeck College
   None selected
  • 19 - Politics and International Studies
   None selected
   None selected
   None selected
   None selected
   None selected
   None selected
Waiting for server
Download currently selected sections for currently selected case studies (spreadsheet) (generating)
Download currently selected case study PDFs (zip) (generating)
Download tags for the currently selected case studies (spreadsheet) (generating)
Currently displaying text from case study section
Showing impact case studies 1 to 2 of 2
Submitting institution
Birkbeck College
Unit of assessment
19 - Politics and International Studies
Summary impact type
Societal
Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
No

1. Summary of the impact

Campbell and Childs’ research on parents in parliaments has influenced the way in which parliaments formally and informally organize and function with regard to the effective participation of parents, especially mothers. At Westminster, their research has directly supported the case for improvements in childcare services, the permitting of children and babies in division lobbies, and the introduction of proxy voting for MPs on parental leave. In several countries and sub-national parliaments, their work also contributed to the establishment of new parliamentary groups to review and implement reforms, and to the monitoring and auditing of the family circumstances of MPs alongside other gender and diversity indicators.

2. Underpinning research

The underpinning research began with Campbell and Childs’ work on the interactions between gender, parental status and political representation ( R1, R2). This built on Campbell’s work with Lovenduski (professor emerita at Birkbeck) on the ‘supply side’ analysis of gender disadvantage in women’s political representation arising from problems of work-life balance in the politician role. The research maps and analyses how gender and parental status interact to produce specific limitations on the representation of mothers, establishing the basis for ongoing measurement and auditing of this aspect of the gender gap. A 2012 survey of UK MPs revealed a substantial ‘motherhood gap’: women MPs were much less likely to be mothers than men MPs were likely to be fathers ( R2).

This research supported the case for improvements in childcare and provisions to make it possible for parents to exercise their statutory rights to parental leave, specifically provision for proxy voting. Campbell and Cowley ( R3) investigated public attitudes to a less familiar reform proposal, job-sharing. Working with the Fawcett Society, Campbell and Childs convened a seminar with MPs, advocates, experts and practitioners, including the Green Party’s aspirant job-share candidates and their legal team. They then commissioned, edited and contributed to an interdisciplinary study with authors from the fields of employment relations, law and politics, along with campaigners, published in 2017 as a Fawcett Society pamphlet ( R4). Their contribution drew on The Representative Audit of Britain 2015 project, for which Campbell was PI and Childs CI. The pamphlet provided considered evidence that job-shares could both be legally and practically viable and would facilitate the participation of a range of excluded groups in electoral politics. This publication provided campaigners with systematic research on the viability of their proposals.

In advocating reforms to parliamentary procedures and services to support parent politicians, Campbell and Childs engaged with MPs, particularly women, and parliamentary officials in numerous venues described below. Childs drew on her work with Allen (Bath) on women’s parliamentary organisations ( R5) to analyse how gender and politics scholars can help to promote institutional change by working with politicians and officials to achieve reforms ( R6, with Dahlerup, Stockholm). They showed that gendered reform campaigns can overcome partisan differences, and that reforms to parliaments can draw support from parliamentary officials concerned to sustain the reputation and influence of parliaments in public life. International collaboration, dissemination and experimentation contributes to these processes. An academic network was founded by an international workshop in Canada in 2012, ‘Mothers and Others’, which yielded an edited book including Campbell and Childs’ chapter ( R1).

3. References to the research

R1. Campbell, R & Childs, S. (2018) ‘The Motherhood Trap: Reconsidering Sex, Gender and Legislative Recruitment’, In Thomas, M & Bittner, A. (Eds.) Mothers and Others: The Role of Parenthood in Politics (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press).

R2. Campbell, R. & Childs, S. (2015) ‘Parents in Parliament: ‘Where’s Mum?’ Political Quarterly 85 (4): 487-493. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12092

R3. Campbell, R. & Cowley. P. (2014) ‘The Representation of Women in Politics, Addressing the Supply-Side: Public Attitudes to Job-Sharing Parliamentarians’, British Politics. 9: 430-449. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/bp.2014.12

R4. Campbell, R. and Childs, S. (2017) *Open House? Reflections on the Possibility and Practice of MPs Job-Sharing (*London: Fawcett Society).

R5. Allen, P and Childs, S (2019) The Grit in the Oyster? Women’s Parliamentary Organizations and the Substantive Representation of Women, Political Studies 67(3) 618-38. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321718793080

R6. Childs, Sarah and Dahlerup, D. (2018) Increasing women's descriptive representation in national parliaments: the involvement and impact of gender and politics scholars. European Journal of Politics and Gender 1 (2), pp. 185-204. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1332/251510818X15272520831094

4. Details of the impact

Campbell and Childs’ research has influenced parliamentary practices and promoted parliamentary reforms through several channels. Particularly notable was Childs’ report The Good Parliament (1) which drew on her research with Campbell to recommend child-friendly reforms to parliamentary practices, and also proposed institutional mechanisms to bring about reforms. Campbell and Childs have drawn on their research in giving evidence to enquiries on parliamentary practices, presenting their work to ad hoc groups, and working with leading parliamentarians. Childs has worked closely with the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and the Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians network, updating the latter’s Gender Sensitising Parliaments Guidelines in 2020 (2).

Driving reform through institutional innovation and data collection

Campbell and Childs’ research on mothers and parents in Parliament fed directly into both the approach and recommendations of TGP. Drawing on her research on how change around gender and diversity issues happens in parliaments (R5 and R6), Childs sought to ensure that recommendations were linked to individuals or institutions that could promote change, with new institutions created where necessary. For example, she advised the then-Speaker of the House, John Bercow, to establish the Commons Reference Group on Representation and Inclusion. The Group subsequently drove the adoption of 18 of TGP’s formal recommendations.

The Good Parliament engaged with the IPU’s well-established ‘Gender Sensitive Parliaments’ auditing framework, and Campbell and Childs’ work contributed to the GSP Audit undertaken in 2018 (3). Specifically, the report presents the findings of a parenting survey undertaken by Campbell and Childs in 2017-18, updating their 2012 survey (R2).

Following an invitation in 2017 from the Greffier of the States of Jersey, Childs consulted with members of the Jersey States Assembly on promoting a diversity and inclusion agenda. Working with the Deputy and the Chief Minister Senator, the States of Jersey Assembly Diversity Forum was established in July 2017. The report on the establishment of the Forum cites her briefing on TGP, specifically on the need for an internal action group to promote reform, as the key driver for the creation of the Forum, which was modelled on the House of Commons Reference Group recommended by TGP (4). The Forum moved quickly to conduct a Gender Audit (States of Jersey Assembly Gender Audit 2019). Childs’ active involvement was pivotal in gaining support across the political spectrum for the aim of working towards a gender-sensitive parliament. The impact of TGP has been felt well past the Jersey States Parliament, and the recommendations from the Gender Audit are beginning to have an impact on policy and legislation across several areas (5).

Changes to House of Commons rules, procedures and practices

The Good Parliament contained a number of recommendations on improving the child-friendliness of the House of Commons. Recommendation 13 suggests that Parliament should ‘undertake a review for the provision of a creche facility on the Parliamentary Estate’. This review was carried out in 2017, a short term emergency childcare service was put in place, and today there is institutional provision of information about local suppliers of childcare. Recommendation 3 states that Parliament should ‘permit MPs to be counted at the ‘door’ of the division lobbies when accompanied by their children’. In March 2017, the Commons Reference Group endorsed this and it has become normal practice. Furthermore, a subsection of Recommendation 12 states that Parliament should ‘permit infants in the Chamber and committees’. This has also been realised. In September 2018, the Speaker permitted Jo Swinson MP to bring her baby son into a debate; in December 2019 three women MPs – Creasy, Reeves and Badenoch – brought babies to their ‘swearing in’; and in February 2020, the new Speaker, Lindsay Hoyle MP, announced that he would permit MP breastfeeding. These changes together demonstrate the institutionalisation of a more child-friendly House, reflecting the impact of Campbell and Childs’ research on the gender gap in parental status in Parliament as well as the effectiveness of TGP in finding effective reform levers.

Proxy Voting: Under Recommendation 12, which deals with Parliamentary policy around maternity and paternity leave, TGP recommended the appointment of ‘a proxy from amongst fellow party MPs’ who could ‘vote and otherwise act for’ MPs who were absent on parental leave. The House passed a motion in favour of proxy voting for parental leave on the 28th of January 2019. This was initially for a pilot period of 12 months but, after Covid-19 related extensions on the 16th January and 20th July 2020, Parliament voted on 23rd September 2020 to make the arrangement permanent.

This rule change required both Government support for tabling the motion and majority support amongst MPs. The motion was passed without requiring a division, reflecting the sustained mobilization of support that had occurred over the previous 3-4 years. The importance of proxy voting to equality of participation was recognised by women MPs who worked across party lines in the Commons Reference Group. The Mother of the House, Harriet Harman (Labour), worked closely with the Reference Group; the Speaker worked behind the scenes to garner support with party leaders, the Leader of the House, and the Chair of the Procedure Committee; the Procedure Committee was tasked with and undertook an inquiry into how to implement the House’s commitment; and in total three debates were held to allow parliamentary discussion.

The momentum of these processes is particularly striking since the government lost its majority in 2017, meaning that parliamentary votes were often tight and procedures for casting votes could make a real difference.

Job-sharing in Wales

Campbell and Childs were members of the Expert Panel on Electoral Reform convened by the (then) Welsh Assembly, which reported in 2017 (they participated on a job-sharing basis). The report of the Panel (6) cited Campbell and Childs’ research (R4) to highlight that job-sharing could have an impact on the diversity of political representation, and recommended practical steps for its adoption in the Senedd. While this was not taken up, in December 2019, the Assembly introduced a new Bill to allow for Jobshares for local council executives (Gov.Wales: New law to make it easier for more people in Wales to stand to be local councillors).

Wider impacts on debates and policies

Campbell and Childs are regularly called upon to contribute to policy and advocacy discussions, public debates and media events. In addition to their contributions at Westminster and Cardiff Bay, they have made presentations to committees of the Alberta State legislature, the Catalunya Parliament and the Finnish, New Zealand, and Canadian Parliaments about the need for measures to address the motherhood gap and the importance of data collection and gender auditing (see for example their evidence to Canada’s Standing Committee on the Status of Women (7)).

Campbell and Childs’ research has also been cited in support of the recommendations of reports and inquiries on promoting diversity in representation in several jurisdictions. For example, a report for the Scottish Parliament on how to improve the diversity of committee witnesses cited the recommendation in TGP that there should be systematic and comprehensive collection and publication of diversity data on witnesses for each session and each committee of Parliament (8). A briefing paper on Women in Parliament for the New South Wales Parliament cited TGP extensively, and also drew on R3 and R4 in discussing job-sharing (9).

5. Sources to corroborate the impact

(1) Childs, S. (2016) The Good Parliament Report (Bristol: Bristol University).

(2) Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians (2020) Gender Sensitising Parliaments Guidelines (news release at http://www.cpahq.org/cpahq/Main/News/News_Items/CWP_launches_Gender_Sensitising_Parliaments_Guidelines_Oct_2020.aspx)

(3) Gender Sensitive Parliament Audit Panel (2018) UK GSP Audit.

(4) States of Jersey Assembly: Diversity Forum: Establishment Report ( https://statesassembly.gov.je/AssemblyPropositions/2018/P.135-2018.pdf);

(5) Greffier of the States of Jersey and States of Jersey Deputy for St. Saviour 2 Testimonial

(6) Expert Panel on Assembly Electoral Reform (2017) A Parliament that works for Wales.

(7) Standing Committee on the Status of Women (Canada) (2018) Evidence session, Tuesday 12 June ( https://www.ourcommons.ca/DocumentViewer/en/42-1/FEWO/meeting-108/evidence).

(8) Bochel, H and Berthier, A (2018) Committee witnesses: Gender and representation, Scottish Parliament Briefing Paper SB18-16 ( https://sp-bpr-en-prod-cdnep.azureedge.net/published/2018/2/27/Committee-witnesses--gender-and-representation/SB%2018-16.pdf)

(9) Ismay, L (2018) Women in Parliament, NSW Parliamentary Research Service Briefing Paper No 3 ( https://www.parliament.nsw.gov.au/researchpapers/Documents/Women%20in%20Parliament_FINAL_19NOV2018.pdf).

Submitting institution
Birkbeck College
Unit of assessment
19 - Politics and International Studies
Summary impact type
Societal
Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
No

1. Summary of the impact

Ben Worthy has had an impact on the effective implementation of Freedom of Information (FOI) legislation by providing robust systematic evidence on how FOI works in practice. His research challenges claims that FOI is detrimental to good governance. It draws attention to the diverse valuable uses of FOI at all levels of government, ranging from the smallest local governments to the devolved governments to central government. Combined with related work on the use of Open Data, Worthy has demonstrated that FOI and other openness reforms can promote more open cultures within institutions, while also drawing attention to areas where practice can be improved.

2. Underpinning research

The research underpinning this case study comprises a series of works on the impact of the Freedom of Information Act on various parts of UK government and, later, on the impact of Open Data experiments in the public sector. As a contested and innovative policy, the debate over FOI has been affected by overclaiming on the part of some advocates, countered by political resistance and equally strident criticism from opponents, often based on anecdotes about a biased sample of cases. Worthy and his collaborators have made a signal contribution to developing a systematic evidence base on the impact of FOI, using mixed quantitative and qualitative methods, including a survey experiment using FOI requests. Worthy’s work has also enhanced understanding of FOI as part of a wider information landscape or ecology, by presenting FOI in the context of formal and informal practices affecting the use of data and dissemination of information both within organisations and externally.

Summing up the first decade of FOI in 2015, Worthy and Hazell (UCL) [REF1] provided a sober assessment of the effect of FOI on participation and democracy by systematically profiling requesters and the subjects of their requests. They found that FOI is used by a narrow group of people. However, they also found little evidence to support claims about disruptive and chilling effects claimed by critics, and they demonstrated that high profile cases produced a distorted image of the workings of FOI. Their evaluation relied on interviews, analysis of press articles, a random sample of FOI requests and a survey of requesters, as well as secondary sources.

Worthy’s book on the introduction of FOI in the UK brought in a comparative element with chapters on five other countries [REF2]. This drew attention to diffusion processes and the possibility of cross-national learning and benchmarking, despite much contextual variation. It also highlighted the importance of sub-national and local governments as the frontline of FOI, receiving high volumes of requests. While FOI was often imposed on lower levels of government by central government, their responses allowed for experimentation to promote transparency, and could produce valuable demonstration effects.

Worthy has been closely involved with international academic and professional networks around FOI. He brought his understanding of diffusion across governments and recognition of the importance of local and regional contexts to his work for the Open Government Partnership (OGP), with specific implications for devolved governments in the UK, as described below.

A conceptual framework in which FOI was located in a wider information ecosystem informed Worthy’s work the impact of FOI in local government [REF 3]. He showed that patterns of usage of FOI are very different at local compared with the central level, and also quite variable despite the common legislative framework in England. Local FOI is relatively more concerned with service delivery, including the accountability of private providers, and less concerned with forms of democratic accountability such as the disclosure of decision-making processes or the role played by individual actors.

FOI is one element within a disparate range of initiatives by public organisations to make detailed data available to the public. In his study of Open Data [REF4], Worthy assembled evidence of the scale of public engagement with these initiatives, and surveyed their impact in the eyes of the key groups involved. The study acknowledged divergent assessments on the part of respondents, but was able to demonstrate that the public scrutiny generated by Open Data was partial, inconsistent and sometimes perverse, not least because potential public auditors often lacked the necessary skills to interpret opaque data, particularly spending data.

Worthy’s 2017 experimental research with John and Vannoni (KCL) [REF5] evaluated the effect of FOI at a local level by sending a straightforward request for information (specifically, an organisation chart) to 4,300 UK parish councils, labelling half of the requests as FOI requests and stating explicitly on the other half that they were not made under the FOI Act. The research showed that FOI requests were significantly more likely to receive a response. The striking findings of this experiment have been replicated in other studies, providing a simple demonstration that, despite the many complications and variations in its application, FOI legislation does lead to greater openness.

3. References to the research

[REF1] Worthy, Ben and Hazell, Robert (2017) ‘Disruptive, Dynamic and Democratic? Ten Years of Freedom of Information in the UK’. Parliamentary Affairs, 70 (1): 22-42 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsv069

[REF2] Worthy, Ben (2017) ‘The Politics of Freedom of Information: How and Why Governments Pass Laws That Threaten Their Power’. Manchester: MUP

[REF3] Worthy, B. (2013). “Some are More Open than Others”: Comparing the Impact of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 on Local and Central Government in the UK. Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice, 15(5), 395-414. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/13876988.2013.836300

[REF4] Worthy, Ben (2015) 'The Impact of Open Data in the UK: Complex, Unpredictable and Political', Public Administration 93 (3): 788-805 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12166

[REF5] John, Peter, Worthy, Ben and Vannoni, Matia (2017) ‘Transparency at the parish pump: a field experiment to measure the effectiveness of freedom of information requests in England’. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 27(3): 485-500. https://doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muw063

4. Details of the impact

The UK Freedom of Information Act (2000) and its sister legislation in Scotland (2002) secured the public right of access to information held by public authorities, setting out specific guidelines for requesting and reporting such information, and replacing voluntary and often unreliable ad hoc practices. Despite the strong belief of FOI’s supporters and promoters that it enhances decision-making and improves accountability, FOI has been intensely and publicly criticised as expensive, an unnecessary drain on resources, and potentially perverse in encouraging public bodies to be less, not more open. Tony Blair in his memoirs described himself as a ‘naive, foolish, irresponsible nincompoop’ for introducing FOI legislation, while David Cameron created a Commission in the expectation that it would expose the failures of FOI. Worthy’s research has contributed to the evidence base to counter these arguments, while also supporting initiatives to

strengthen the commitment of central, devolved and local governments to promote openness in ways which facilitate accountability and potentially improve trust in effective government.

**1. Strengthening FOI Legislation and Practice Across the Devolved Governments ** Between 2013 and 2018 Worthy worked on behalf of the Open Government Partnership, as the UK’s Independent Reporting Mechanism (IRM) The Open Government Partnership is an international initiative comprising civil societies, local and national government representatives and businesses formed ‘to secure commitments from governments to promote transparency, empower citizens, fight corruption, and harness new technologies to strengthen governance’. Formed in 2011, it now covers 78 countries, representing a population of around 2,000,000,000 people (OGP, ‘About us’). Each country appoints an individual as the IRM who assesses their own government’s openness commitments and reports on how far these commitments have been implemented.

As the UK’s IRM, Worthy’s first report for the Open Government Partnership in 2015 (1) had a significant impact on the UK’s commitment to openness. The Cabinet Office accepted his recommendation to increase engagement with devolved governments. This led to the devolved administrations publishing their own commitments for the first time as part of the UK’s National Action Plan in December 2016. Worthy’s recommendation was vital in securing these commitments from the Scottish Parliament and the Northern Ireland and Welsh Assemblies to strengthen FOI and ratify open governance practices (2).

Worthy’s recommendation that the devolved bodies should be specifically included in the Government’s national UK action plan directly led them to make separate commitments under the subsequent plan – a first and a highly important step in strengthening openness practices. As a result of these changes, the devolved governments have continued to publish action plans; Scotland is currently preparing its second action plan, while Wales and Northern Ireland are currently preparing new versions of their plans. The central UK and devolved government action plans commit their respective governments to clear, robust FOI policies, legislation and practice, further protecting and embedding FOI and open governance across the UK.

2. The development of FOI in the UK Independent CommissionIn 2015, Prime Minister David Cameron set up an Independent Commission on FOI to investigate potential reforms to FOI legislation. FOI defenders within and outside Parliament believed that this was intended to pave the way for the restriction of FOI. David Davis MP called it a ‘stitch-up’ ( Daily Politics, BBC Parliament, 8 September 2015), while Labour MP Tom Watson told Buzzfeed News that ‘In announcing the commission, the government are really saying they’re going to water down the act’ (17 July 2015).

In the event, the changes recommended by the report were minimal (3). They were (as BBC News commented at the time) ‘swayed by the evidence about how FOI actually works in practice’ ( https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-35550967). Worthy made a substantial contribution to this evidence, making representations through a meeting with the chair and providing written evidence drawing on his research (specifically REF3, as well as earlier research done at the UCL’s Constitution Unit with Hazell and Glover) (4).

Scottish ParliamentThe Scottish Parliament’s Public Audit and Post-Legislative Scrutiny Committee conducted an inquiry into the operation of the Freedom of Information (Scotland) Act, publishing a report in 2020 (5) which heavily cited Worthy’s oral and written evidence, which in turn drew directly on his research [specifically REF3 and REF5]. Arguments and findings taken up by the Committee included the effect of greater openness on organisational culture (paragraph 49), the need to update practices of proactive disclosure to take advantage of new technology (paragraphs 109, 136), and the anchoring effect of deadlines (paragraph 223). Worthy’s evidence influenced the report’s recommendations that the law should be amended to cover more types of information (such as electronic communications) and that there should be a new statutory duty to publish certain types of information.

Open DataIn their 2014 report on the progress of the Government’s Open Data agenda (6), the Public Administration Select Committee (PASC) cited Worthy’s evidence, based on his 2013 paper [REF3] and his research for REF4, to describe the lack of an overall strategy and clear accountability mechanisms from the government on Open Data. In particular, the report described how the Government’s vision of lay citizens - so-called ‘armchair auditors’ - holding their local authorities to account had failed, taking their account directly from Worthy’s evidence to argue that the qualities and skills needed for a normal citizen to properly scrutinise local government are too rare for ‘armchair auditors’ to provide a realistic level of scrutiny (paragraphs 49, 54). PASC recommended that the Government should adopt a star-rating system for engagement of the public in holding the government to account, which departments should use for measuring engagement with their data releases and reporting to Parliament.

Parish CouncilsWorthy’s 2017 research on parish councils showed that requests for information labelled as FOI requests were significantly more likely to receive a response than requests that did not mention FOI [REF5]. The head of the UK Campaign for Freedom of Information described the Parish Council project as an ‘elegant concept’ with ‘valuable results’, while Toby Mendel, head of civil rights campaign group Article 19, called it ‘immensely valuable’. Activists from Italy and Canada praised the results and Paul Gibbons – one of the foremost public commentators on FOI practice - commended Worthy’s work in one assessment as ‘helpful...in understanding the peculiar challenges that FOI presents within the lowest tier of government, [providing] important lessons about FOI and government in general’ (7). ‘The study has now been replicated in the Netherlands and Slovakia, with similar results. Worthy was a co-author of the Dutch study. One by-product of the UK study was that a number of parishes responded by publishing organisation charts, either online or on local noticeboards, and reviewing how open they are in their public meetings (8).

5. Sources to corroborate the impact

  1. Open Government Partnership: United Kingdom End-of-Term Report 2016-2018 (May 2019)

  2. Testimonial: Cabinet Office Letter

  3. Independent Commission on Freedom of Information Report, Cabinet Office (March 2016)

  4. Worthy, B (2015) ‘FOI Commission Evidence’

  5. Public Audit and Post-Legislative Scrutiny Committee (2020) Post-legislative scrutiny: Freedom of Information (Scotland) Act 2002.

  6. Public Administration Committee (2014) Statistics and Open Data: Harvesting unused knowledge, empowering citizens and improving public services.

  7. FOI Man, ‘Parish Councils and FOI’ ( https://www.foiman.com/archives/2427); ‘Small is not necessarily better when it comes to FOI’ ( https://foiman.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/201607-parishcouncils.pdf)

  8. ‘Minutes of the Ellerker Parish Council meeting held Thursday 25th February 2016 at 7.30pm, in the Village Hall’, Ellerker Parish Council.

Showing impact case studies 1 to 2 of 2

Filter by higher education institution

UK regions
Select one or more of the following higher education institutions and then click Apply selected filters when you have finished.
No higher education institutions found.
Institutions

Filter by unit of assessment

Main panels
Select one or more of the following units of assessment and then click Apply selected filters when you have finished.
No unit of assessments found.
Units of assessment

Filter by continued case study

Select one or more of the following states and then click Apply selected filters when you have finished.

Filter by summary impact type

Select one or more of the following summary impact types and then click Apply selected filters when you have finished.

Filter by impact UK location

UK Countries
Select one or more of the following UK locations and then click Apply selected filters when you have finished.
No UK locations found.
Impact UK locations

Filter by impact global location

Continents
Select one or more of the following global locations and then click Apply selected filters when you have finished.
No global locations found.
Impact global locations

Filter by underpinning research subject

Subject areas
Select one or more of the following underpinning research subjects and then click Apply selected filters when you have finished.
No subjects found.
Underpinning research subjects