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Submitting institution
The University of Leeds
Unit of assessment
19 - Politics and International Studies
Summary impact type
Societal
Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
No

1. Summary of the impact

Professor Leston-Bandeira’s research has changed the thinking of UK and international parliamentary officials on developing and implementing public engagement practices within their respective legislatures. In the UK, Leston-Bandeira’s research has significantly influenced key elements of House of Commons public engagement practice, specifically in making its e-petitions system more effective. Internationally, her research has informed and guided the parliaments of Australia, Brazil and Portugal on how to design and reform their public engagement efforts to make them more effective, more citizen-led, and better positioned to shape parliamentary decisions. This has helped address the critical challenge of acute mistrust of politics in contemporary democracies.

2. Underpinning research

Trust in political institutions in western democracies has been in decline over the last few decades, with only 19% in the UK saying they trust Parliament in 2019 [1]. Faced with rising levels of political disaffection, parliaments have become more pro-active in developing ways of engaging with the public. However, this has been a slow and inconsistent process. Professor Leston-Bandeira has researched this development, identifying how specific characteristics of parliamentary institutions influence the effectiveness of public engagement activities.

The discipline of legislative studies has traditionally focused on the relationship between parliament and government, neglecting parliaments’ relationship with citizens. Leston-Bandeira made a significant contribution in shifting this focus toward research on parliamentary public engagement (PPE). Through comparative research across different legislatures [1], she has examined specific forms of public engagement that have become particularly popular with parliaments, such as digital engagement and the use of e-petitions. Her findings in this area can be summarised as:

  • Identification of a systemic ‘institutional representation’ of parliament, characterised by a collective and abstract style of representation, which constrains the practices of PPE [1];

  • Establishment of the importance of symbolic representation (i.e. where representation is embodied in symbols, such as a building, rather than political messages) in the way the public develops connections to the parliamentary institution, and through which public engagement can act [1,3,4];

  • Identification of the importance of integrating the activity of public engagement with actual parliamentary business rather than developing it separately [2,4,5];

  • Evaluation of what makes for effective PPE, namely that it should be issue-based, go where the people are, and use a multiplicity of channels of communication and methods [2,4,5].

Leston-Bandeira’s research identified how the structures and processes of parliament – what she calls ‘institutional representation’ – inhibit implementation of public engagement activities. Parliaments are collective institutions lacking a single voice that speaks for the institution [1,3]. They serve multiple agendas of different actors, often in conflict with each other and the institution itself. Moreover, parliaments are highly visible institutions accountable to the public. The combination of these characteristics hinders organisational decision-making, rendering parliaments particularly cumbersome, slow and risk-averse institutions; all of which are detrimental to the development of public engagement, which requires innovative, quick and flexible decision-making processes. Leston-Bandeira’s research into parliamentary initiatives implementing public engagement has shown them to be led often by procedural objectives, such as the formal process to consider a bill, rather than engagement-oriented objectives, such as listening to the public’s views [2,4-6]. The research has outlined that PPE relies mainly on the input from parliamentary officials, rather than politicians, and avoids politics [1-3], which explains why symbolic representation has become a key vehicle for facilitating engagement between legislatures and the public. Her co-developed research with the UK House of Commons Petitions Committee provided further evidence of the value of integrating public engagement with parliamentary business and focusing on the public rather than parliamentary processes [4-6].

Leston-Bandeira’s analysis of specific public engagement activities, such as e-petitions [4-6] and the integration of the public’s voice into the legislative process [2], has enabled a better understanding of how PPE can become more effective. The research stresses the importance of thinking carefully about the parliamentary processes in place and avoiding the pitfalls of developing public engagement as an add-on. It also shows that the public engages with parliament on issues that matter to them, rather than because of a generic desire to engage with democracy [2,4,5]. This implies an approach to public engagement focused on the public and their concerns, rather than on parliament and its processes, as well as one that integrates the public’s input into parliamentary business, rather than as a parallel activity.

3. References to the research

[1] Judge, D. and C. Leston-Bandeira. (2018), ‘The institutional representation of parliament’, Political Studies, 66 (1), pp.154-172: https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321717706901.

[2] Leston-Bandeira, C. and L. Thompson (2017), ‘Integrating the view of the public into the formal legislative process: public reading stage in the UK House of Commons’, The Journal of Legislative Studies, 23 (4), pp. 508-528: http://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2017.1394736.

[3] Leston-Bandeira, C. (2016), ‘Why symbolic representation frames PPE’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 18 (2), pp. 498-516: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148115615029.

[4] Leston-Bandeira, C. (2017), An evaluation of the UK Parliament’s e-petitions system. Final report of Impact Acceleration Account Knowledge Exchange Fellowship, for the House of Commons Committee Service – Petitions Committee. Available on request.

[5] Asher, M., C. Leston-Bandeira and V. Spaiser (2019), ’Do parliamentary debates of e-petitions enhance public engagement with parliament? An analysis of Twitter conversations’, Policy & Internet, 11 (2), pp.149-171: https://doi.org/10.1002/poi3.194.

[6] Leston-Bandeira, C. (2019), ‘Parliamentary petitions and public engagement: An empirical analysis of the role of e-petitions’, Policy & Politics, 47 (3), pp.415-436: https://doi.org/10.1332/030557319X15579230420117.

Associated grants:

[a] British Academy/Leverhulme Trust Small Research Grant, 2015-16: ‘Truly engaging citizens with the parliamentary process? An evaluation of public reading stage in the House of Commons’, (GBP8,011, SG141934). Leston-Bandeira, C. (with L. Thompson, University of Manchester).

[b] ESRC Impact Acceleration Account Knowledge Exchange Fellowship 2016-17: ‘The Petitions Committee: developing a new style of public engagement’, (GBP9,545). Leston-Bandeira, C.

[c] AHRC GCRF (Global Challenges Research Fund) Area Focused Network Plus Grant 2017-20: ‘Deepening democracy in extremely politically fragile countries: networking for historical, cultural and arts research on parliaments and people’, (GBP1,999,999.79, AH/R005435/1) Leston-Bandeira, C. (CoI) (with E. Crewe (PI), SOAS).

4. Details of the impact

Leston-Bandeira’s research has (i) altered parliamentary officials’ understanding of public engagement in Australia, Brazil, Portugal and the UK, and (ii) changed how public engagement is implemented in the Brazilian, Portuguese and UK parliaments. Her research has provided an evidence-base and policy recommendations that have helped parliamentarians better understand, enhance and promote engagement with the public. Whilst parliaments have therefore been the direct beneficiaries of her research, the general public also ultimately benefits through access to more effective mechanisms (e.g. e-petitions) and greater capacity within parliaments to facilitate this engagement.

i) Changing understandings of public engagement within parliaments

Leston-Bandeira’s longstanding expertise on PPE has led to invitations from several legislatures to be part of key commissions reviewing public engagement processes and/or to give evidence to key inquiries. She was first invited in 2014 by the Speaker of the UK House of Commons to be the only academic among eight core members of the Digital Democracy Commission (DDC). Since then, drawing on her research developed at the University of Leeds, she has continued to be involved in the implementation of the DDC report’s recommendations within the UK Parliament, engaging with officials on a regular basis across a range of services, from committees to digital engagement. This has led to further invitations and a deeper working relationship with parliamentary officials in a range of legislatures besides the UK Parliament. In 2016, she was invited by the President of the Portuguese Parliament to be the special adviser to their *Digital Parliament Commission (*DPC), which was followed by an invitation to help shape and give evidence to the Scottish Parliament’s Parliamentary Reform Commission (PRC) in November 2016. These Commissions and their subsequent implementation work drew heavily from her research [1-3,5,6], with Leston-Bandeira’s input being instrumental in highlighting the importance of focusing parliamentary tools on the needs of the public, rather than on parliamentary processes. The former UK House of Commons Speaker explains that her ‘evidence-based approach’ made ‘an enormous contribution to the success of the [DDC]’ [A], whilst the Portuguese Parliament’s President remarks that collaborating with Leston-Bandeira was ‘invaluable’ for the DPC [B].

In 2019, Leston-Bandeira played an important role in the House of Commons Liaison Committee’s inquiry into the effectiveness of select committees. Besides her formal submission of evidence, she was closely involved in the set-up of the public engagement themes of this inquiry, as well as shaping the inquiry’s recommendations. She was firstly invited to a private meeting of the Committee, where she made key contributions, as recognised by the Former Chair of the Committee in her letter commending Leston-Bandeira’s involvement [C]; this was followed by meetings with the Committee’s clerks in the run up to the writing of the inquiry’s report. Leston-Bandeira’s research on PPE became a key piece of evidence convincing the Committee of the need for a more systemic approach to public engagement and of the importance of listening rather than broadcasting, reflected in the report’s first heading about public engagement ( [D], p. 22). Her evidence was cited 17 times in the report to support a move towards a more integrated use of public engagement across committee work, rather than as a parallel or an add-on activity, and the adoption of more accessible formats in committee reports in order to reach a wider audience of citizens. One of the most senior officials of the House of Commons at the time, the Clerk of Committees, stated that the ‘ landmark report’ established that committees should ‘ turn towards the public in all committee activity’ [D].

Leston-Bandeira’s research has also impacted upon the planning of public engagement by the House of Lords, namely through the written and oral evidence she submitted to its Constitution Committee in 2018, specifically on effectively integrating public engagement into the law-making process [2,a]. This evidence was cited in the inquiry’s report, with paragraphs 110 to 112 listing further opportunities for public engagement in the legislative process, directly following Leston-Bandeira’s own recommendations [E].

Beyond Westminster, Leston-Bandeira’s research has informed the Scottish Parliament PRC’s 2017 conclusions, namely recommendations no. 62 and 67 , which call for the creation of a Committee Engagement Unit and a ‘more personalised system of feedback to those who engage with it’ ( [F], p. 61, 66). Both recommendations reflect Leston-Bandeira’s oral and written evidence calling for a better integration between public engagement and parliamentary business by focussing on committees and being issue-led, which makes sure the feedback loop to citizens is closed. The new Unit was subsequently created in 2018, with which Leston-Bandeira has continued collaboration and direct policy change. As noted by the Head of the Committee, Leston-Bandeira ‘was a key influence on the remit given to my unit… focusing on issues-based engagement in the work of committees (…) we have drawn on [her] research in developing our engagement practice (…) in particular her findings about the importance to citizens of the engagement process (…) [and] on the role of social media in public engagement to develop our use of social media towards dialogue rather than just information giving’ [F].

As outlined above, Leston-Bandeira has also changed the thinking of parliamentary officials beyond the UK. In 2019 she was invited for a Visiting Fellowship in Brazil where she advised officials in the Brazilian Congress on the integration of public engagement into parliamentary structures, based on her research on e-petitions [6]. The Head of the e-Citizenship Programme of the Brazilian Senate confirms, ‘her research on the UK e-petitions system (…) enlightened me and directly influenced me (…). This [new method] enables citizens to have a clearer perception of how their input into the Senate’s e-Citizenship programme has led to specific draft bills and other outputs’ [G]. The international reach of her research is further demonstrated by invitations from the petitions committees of the Australian Parliament and of Western Australia’s State Legislature, which cited specifically her expertise when inviting her: ‘given your work on parliament and public engagement, the Committee is interested in your insights into the role of petitions in a modern parliament[H]. Leston-Bandeira’s evidence was cited eight times in the Australian Parliament’s report on their petitions system, in relation to how debates on petitions are conducted. The committee subsequently recommended the introduction of debates on petitions to enhance petitions’ visibility [H].

ii) Changing how parliaments implement public engagement

Besides changing understandings of public engagement, Leston-Bandeira’s research has also impacted upon actual practices, with consequent benefits for both officials and the general public. She was involved with key preparatory work for the new UK Parliament e-petitions system launched in 2015. Since then, over 70,000 petitions have been submitted to this new system, with over 21,000 accepted, nearly 200 debated and over 24 million unique signatures. Since joining Leeds in 2015, she has worked closely with the new Petitions Committee to provide research evidence and expert advice on the new system’s processes and policy, to make it more impactful in terms of policy effect and petitioners’ satisfaction. This has been facilitated via over 100 regular meetings, email correspondence with the Committee staff, co-development of research and participation in events.

These activities were supported by an ESRC-funded Impact Acceleration Account Knowledge Exchange Fellowship for Leston-Bandeira awarded in 2016 [b], which allowed her to shadow the Petitions Committee in 2016/17 and study its workings. This has led to continuing knowledge exchange and co-production with the Committee (with over 30 meetings with Committee staff and in excess of 100 email exchanges since the Fellowship), developing further research on the processes implementing the e-petitions system and petitioners’ reactions to these [5,6]. This resulted in a 2017 report to the Committee, outlining five overarching recommendations and 39 specific recommendations [4], which has had a strong impact on the e-petitioning process. As one of the Committee’s officials remarked: ‘Cristina’s research showed us that we were concentrating very much on what we could do, on changes that we could make (…). But looking at the report and the recommendations, it was quite clear that that was exactly our bias – it didn’t reflect what needed to be done to achieve our aim of really enhancing the relationship between Parliament and the public’ [I]. As a result, the Petitions Committee has adopted Leston-Bandeira’s 2017 report as a key element in its development, utilising her recommendations to plan further developments in the system, directly informing the Committee’s Public Engagement Strategy. A Committee official explained the importance of the report for the Committee’s self-reflection: ‘the report and her work is frequently brought up in discussions about how we can do better, when we examine our working practices and is used as evidence to support the changes we need’ [J]. This led to changes, such as a differentiated focus on petitioners, by inviting them to the parliamentary debate of their e-petition, and an enhancement of the petitions debates so as to be more inclusive and integrated with parliamentary business. Specifically, the Committee used her research ‘to evidence the need for changes to the e-petitions site, such as changing the language used’ and ‘to bid successfully for resources to connect petitioners with other items of parliamentary business related to the topic of their petition, which will affect how millions of people engage with Parliament’ [J].

Besides her work with the Petitions Committee, Leston-Bandeira has influenced how digital engagement is implemented in the House of Commons. For example, following a DDC recommendation to introduce ‘digital debates’, she led on a collaborative project with the House of Commons to investigate enhancement of digital engagement. Thanks to this collaboration, in 2019 three committees (on plastics use in packaging, pavement parking, and endangered species) accepted suggestions based on her research [2,4,6] to link their inquiries to ongoing petitions. This helped the Committees reach a wider public affected by the issues addressed in the inquiries (for example, in excess of 300,000 people in the case of the report into plastics use; EFRA 2019, p.5).

In addition, Leston-Bandeira’s research [6] has informed the new e-petitions system and digital platforms in the Portuguese Parliament, inaugurated in 2018, by making it more public centred and enabling the public to track the progress of their e-petition. This resulted in a completely new approach on the parliament’s website, adopting open data, and a more citizen-oriented communication approach. The President of the Portuguese Parliament explains that Leston-Bandeira’s work ‘was decisive to develop even further the investment on citizens’ participation and to advance towards more and better instances of bilateral communication with citizens (namely through the creation of the online platforms, on Parliament’s new portal, the submission and collection of signatures of petitions, citizens’ legislative initiatives and popular referendums’ initiatives)’ [B]. Her research [5,6] has also led to changes in elements of the Brazilian Senate’s E-Cidadania platform to make the outputs of petitioning clearer to those citizens making suggestions for policy change [G].

Leston-Bandeira’s research has therefore both affected how officials perceive the purpose and use of public engagement, and resulted in changes in the actual practice of public engagement of at least three parliaments.

5. Sources to corroborate the impact

[A] Former Speaker of the House of Commons. Letter of corroboration dated 21 May 2015.

[B] President of the Portuguese Parliament. Letter of corroboration dated 17 April 2018 [Portuguese].

[C] Former Chair of the UK House of Commons Liaison Committee. Letter of corroboration dated 12 March 2019.

[D] House of Commons Liaison Committee. 4th Report of Session 2017-19 (pp. 22, 55, 59, 61, 63, 81). Written evidence 1, 2; Blog about report by Clerk of Committees.

[E] Report by the House of Lords Constitution Committee’s inquiry into the legislative process, including written and oral evidence given by Leston-Bandeira. (pp. 28, 30, 32; Oral evidence QQ 161-67). Written evidence.

[F] Documents relating to Scottish Parliament: Head of Committee Engagement Unit Scottish Parliament. Letter of corroboration dated 14 October 2020; Report; Evidence.

[G] Head of the E-Citizenship Programme of the Brazilian Senate. Letter of corroboration dated 23 December 2019.

[H] Invitation letter from Western Australia Standing Committee, dated 25 October 2019; Report of the Australian House of Representatives Standing Committee on Petitions on the inquiry into the future of petitioning in the House, (pp. 39, 46, 55, 60).

[I] Petitions Committee Engagement Officer speaking at a public event, February 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VvZy2BxJwBk. Transcript provided.

[J] Former Petitions and Communications Manager, Petitions Committee, House of Commons. Letter of corroboration dated 13 June 2019.

Submitting institution
The University of Leeds
Unit of assessment
19 - Politics and International Studies
Summary impact type
Societal
Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
No

1. Summary of the impact

Research on public perceptions of aid, co-produced with the Strategic Insights Team at the Department for International Development (DFID), changed DFID’s communication strategy and how it – and now its successor, the Foreign and Commonwealth Development Office (FCDO) – conducts messaging research. In particular, the research provided new analytical tools that allowed DFID to identify how specific development aid messages resonated with particular segments of the public. This led to alterations in how DFID carries out research as well as changes to DFID’s communication strategy so as to maximize aid support by framing public communications in ways that better connect with public expectations. As a result, this research contributed to the evidence-base for the UK government’s efforts both to maintain public support for aid spending and pursue national interests associated with being the second largest bi-lateral aid donor in the world.

2. Underpinning research

The commitment to aid as a crucial part of its foreign policy has made the UK a global leader in international development, placing it at the forefront of responses to global challenges such as climate change, poverty alleviation, and health, while also increasing the UK’s global influence and reach. However, both the commitment and the cost of aid are controversial, therefore it is important to understand what specific segments of the UK public think about aid spending and priorities, and how messages help influence more positive attitudes towards it.

This impact case study is underpinned by two interconnected research streams examining public attitudes to aid. Research by Prof. Simon Lightfoot (2011-12) highlighted the challenge faced by government in maintaining support for aid commitments in the face of scepticism and hostility in public opinion and the mainstream media [1]. This qualitative research identified that the government needed to better communicate the relevance and importance of aid commitments to the public. It argued that, contrary to DFID’s assumptions, a focus on results-driven communications could be counter-productive, ultimately weakening development commitments to poverty reduction. These findings overlapped with those of a 2009-12 ESRC-funded study by Profs. Graeme Davies (Leeds) and Robert Johns (Essex) on British public attitudes to foreign policy [a]. This research included unique survey questions that asked respondents whether British foreign aid should be allocated on the basis of recipient need or UK national interest. Significant results suggested a greater resonance with national interest narratives [2-4]. These projects came together via a co-authored blog post in 2015 [5] and a joint conference paper given at the University of Essex in 2016 [6], where the national interest/need question attracted the attention of the then DFID Head of Strategic Insights.

Contemporaneously, the November 2015 government white paper ‘ UK aid: tackling global challenges in the national interest’ set out a new strategy for UK aid with an explicit focus on the ‘national interest’. DFID had to ensure they communicated the national interest aspect of this new strategy. As a result, DFID commissioned a bespoke co-produced research project with Lightfoot, Davies and Johns (funded by Leeds and Essex Impact Acceleration Accounts **[b]**) to test its current narratives about aid, and to identify and refine a more effective communications strategy around national interest.

To investigate the problem of communicating value-for-money versus national interest framing, the research team drew upon earlier experimental methodologies developed by Davies and Johns, which demonstrated that communication strategies are well-placed to influence public opinion (and informed the DFID research design) [a]. These experiments provided a well-validated method to test the effect of those messages [2-4]. The research tested Lightfoot’s theoretical assumptions about the role of messaging [1], showing how the presentation of information by the government has a significant effect on public attitudes towards international affairs [2-4]. This research formed the foundation of the subsequent co-designed research collaboration with the Insight Team and the Communications Insight and Evaluation Advisor at DFID in 2016-17 [b]. Via a series of consultations with DFID, Lightfoot contributed to the research question design whilst Davies designed the final survey and led refinement efforts related to national interest narratives and the messages DFID wanted to test. The team conducted analysis and presented the findings to DFID, with Lightfoot and Davies leading continued engagement efforts, resulting in the impact detailed below. Recommendations derived from the research included that DFID should avoid messages discussing its budget, value for money, expenditure justifications, complex aid rationales, or the need to relate all aid back to internal UK outcomes. Instead, communications should focus on tangible aid outcomes, positive stories, and health aid; and that it should be targeted to apprehensive audiences/media outlets with national messaging related to aid and security, which was seen to generate higher public approval with aid-sceptics and those only ‘marginally engaged’.

3. References to the research

[1] Heppell, T. and S. Lightfoot. 2012 ‘We will not balance the books on the backs of the poorest people in the world’: understanding Conservative Party strategy on international aid’. The Political Quarterly, 83 (1): 130-38: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2012.02279.x

[2] Johns, R. and G. A. M. Davies. 2012. ‘Democratic peace or clash of civilizations? Target states and support for war in Britain and the United States’. The Journal of Politics, 74 (4): 1038-1052: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381612000643.

[3] Johns, R. and G. A. M. Davies. 2014. ‘Coalitions of the willing? International backing and British public support for military action’. Journal of Peace Research 51 (6): 767-781: https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0022343314544779.

[4] Davies, G. A. M. and R. Johns. 2016. “The domestic consequences of international over-cooperation: an experimental study of micro-foundations”, Conflict Management and Peace Science 33 (4): 343-360: https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0738894215577556.

[5] Davies, G., S. Lightfoot and R. Johns. 23 June 2015. ‘UK foreign aid: what do the British public think aid should be for?’. LSE blog, originally published on Political Studies Association Insight blog: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/uk-foreign-aid-what-do-the-british-public-think-aid-should-be-for/.

[6] Johns, R., G. A. M. Davies and S. Lightfoot. 30 April 2016. “Needs and interests: understanding the British public’s balancing of aid priorities”. Paper presented at Public Opinion and Foreign Aid conference, University of Essex: https://niehaus.princeton.edu/sites/ncgg/files/lightfootdaviesjohnsneedsandinterests.pdf.

Research supported by the following grants secured in open competition:

[a] ESRC. R. Johns (Essex) (PI) and G. Davies (Co-I) ‘Foreign policy attitudes and support for war among the British public’ (RES-062-23-1952; August 2009-April 2012: GBP243,000).

[b] HEIF/ESRC Leeds/Essex Impact Acceleration Accounts. ‘Improving DFID’s understanding of the public opinion environment for international aid’. (2016-18: GBP30,260).

4. Details of the impact

The main beneficiary of the underpinning research has been DFID, which: i) changed how DFID conducted messaging research, and; ii) influenced its communication strategy, helping it to better make the case for aid spending to the UK public. The co-produced research provided evidence that was used to justify internal resource allocation at DFID and beyond, with the research recommendations incorporated into toolkits on how to communicate about aid and national interest, which, the then Director of Communications at DFID explains, are ‘now used as part of [DFID’s] guidance to those who work on aid communications across government’ [A].

i) Changing research practices and building capacity at DFID

Close and sustained co-operation between the academics and the team at DFID was crucial for providing the Department with the necessary capacity for designing, implementing and analysing public opinion research, and has offered a new model for how it conducts research and creates evidence-bases for policymakers. As part of the research design phase, the research team introduced DFID to new experimental designs [a,6] that could allow pinpointed testing of various demographic groups so as to test specific messages in relation to those particular audiences. This allowed for greater nuance in determining how various groups respond to aid messaging, which had not been available previously to DFID’s Insight Team. In response, DFID invited Davies and collaborators to co-produce a customized survey with DFID’s Insight Team. Between 17 February 2016 and 16 March 2017, Davies led two survey design meetings, one additional remote meeting, and over 50 email exchanges with DFID so as to develop experiments that reflected their exact communication interests. DFID worked closely with the academics at every stage – designing the project, drafting the questionnaires, analysing the data, and reporting the results. DFID invited Davies and Johns to lead additional refinement efforts to test out various narratives for DFID, specifically those related to economic interests, international leadership, health security and related messages.

By the end of this period the research team jointly produced a series of messages that were then used in a pilot study which was fielded by Prolific (a company which recruits survey participants) amongst a section of the British public [B]. A report on these initial findings led to further refinement of the messages that were then tested in a nationally representative sample in January 2017 by the public opinion firm BMG [C]. According to the Director of Communications at DFID, this research was ‘invaluable in helping address a specific need for our communications strategy, namely to better understand how we create messaging that demonstrates the benefits of spending aid to the UK’. Since DFID itself did ‘not have the budget to gather insight’, and therefore lacked institutional capacity, the Director adds, ‘without the support of these academics we would not have been able to undertake this testing to inform our message development’ [A]. Furthermore, DFID’s Communications Team’s approach to carrying out research and using research data was impacted, with the Director stating, ‘as a result of this project we were able to make a case to secure funding from another government department to gather further insight on the topic’ and that the methods they would take from the research team would enable this future research to help them further understand ‘how we can best land these messages with the UK public’ [A]. The insights generated, along with the subsequent research mentioned above, has also been used to train and upskill government communications colleagues for use in social media, ministerial statements, and press lines [A,H].

ii) Changing messaging on national interest at DFID

The research subsequently influenced DFID’s framing of aid in terms of national interests and led to changes in their messaging, enabling challenging audiences to be reached. The findings were communicated at meetings at DFID (October 2017) and via a presentation to DFID’s communication team on the 15 December 2017 [E]. This meeting included the Head of Strategy and Insight, the Insight, Evaluation and Branding Advisor, and the Senior Communications Manager. In response to recommendations from the team, DFID changed their messaging strategy as detailed below.

The research highlighted the importance of a focus on health security, since this has the greatest overall public approval results. A former Communications Insight and Evaluation Advisor at DFID explains that this insight ‘was shared with the [Communications] division to help understand how communicating about health security could contribute to ministerial priorities to discuss the national interest, reinforcing existing insight, and adding further understanding to how the department can use health security messaging to talk about UK aid in the national interest’ [F]. This was put into practice during the 2019 #100WaysAidWorks social media campaign, where specific examples of health security narratives were used by the Secretary of State for International Development to highlight benefits to the UK [A,G]. Key indicators of the successes of the #100WaysAidsWorks campaign were an average of 21,617 impressions per tweet (range of 4,201-45,691) with an average 1.033 engagement rate (range of 0.39-2.46). There was also engagement internationally across country offices – 432 retweets from country offices or international stakeholders and the messages prompting stakeholder participation including: Centre for Disease Control Group, Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, Unilever, British Council, GAVI Alliance, London Zoo, Gates Foundation, VSO, UNICEF and more. According to DFID, this number and range of engagement was ‘higher than the average engagement with DFID Twitter content’ [G].

The research recommendations outlined that targeting certain audiences, namely the ‘marginally engaged’ on aid, with national security messages is very productive in generating their approval. This group is generally sceptical about aid yet can be won round by messages that focus on threats to the UK. This was ‘a new insight’ for DFID and added to guidance for communicating with this core audience [F]. Additionally, there is a need for positive narratives about specific projects with tangible outputs, without foregrounding budgeting and expenditure. The former Communications Insight and Evaluation Advisor explains that this ‘reinforced current insight (…) indicating that focussing on storytelling on an individual level works more effectively than [a focus on] money spent’ [F]** *. The study also found that some messages previously used by the DFID team were too indirect to be understood by the public. For example, the causal linkage between aid in Ethiopia and jobs in the UK was too complex to communicate effectively. These research recommendations informed the production of national media-targeted campaigns picked up by national newspapers in 2019, where DFID’s 'major headlines' - those issues and messages highlighted as having greatest resonance with the public - were repeated. This led to increases in social media traffic supportive of the UK government maintaining and justifying its aid commitments. DFID has provided examples from this campaign [H], including stories about spending its overseas aid budget on the fight against child sex tourism, which was reported in the Times (April 2019), and how British law enforcement is accessing the overseas aid budget for countering extremism in Africa, linked to the terrorism threat in the UK, which was reported in the Sun (March 2019). The Sun article maintained a focus on national security, the primary concern of the marginally engaged, and on a specific project, whilst only making general claims about the benefits to the UK. Meanwhile, the announcement of the ‘What Works – Impact at Scale’ initiative funded by DFID, which aims to scale up effective interventions, test innovations, and influence a more effective global response to preventing violence against women and girls, resulted in an article in the Guardian (November 2019) with a strong national interest headline, where expenditure is mentioned only in the subheading (reflecting study recommendations), and a positive in-depth article about multiple UK aid successes [H].

The research recommendations have been incorporated into ‘a specific “communicating in the national interest” pack. This has been presented to the communications division and discussed with other departmental colleagues, with the core message for the division being to focus on making national interest messaging credible’ [F]. This guidance directly informed the work of approximately 50 staff working in DFID communications as well as communications teams in other departments drawing on the overseas aid budget, together with relevant teams, such as DFID colleagues working on jobs and prosperity programmes in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Department for International Trade. Thus, the impact of this research can be understood to have affected the day-to-day work of the Department in drafting ministerial statements, media lines, and providing advice to special advisers, Cabinet Office, and relevant ministers [D]. The new Secretary of State for International Development was briefed using the revised guidance when starting at the department in 2019, improving their understanding of how both they, and the Department, can effectively communicate in the national interest (see ‘#100WaysAidWorks’ above) [A].

Following the merger of DFID with the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in 2020, a Communication Manager at the new Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) explains that ‘the insights gained via this research now inform the wider comms strategy of the FCDO and are as relevant as they were before, potentially more so given emphasis in the prime minister’s announcement of the merger of showing how aid is spent in the interests of the UK’ [I]. The Prime Minister remarked: ‘we must mobilise every one of our national assets, including our aid budget and expertise, to safeguard British interests and values overseas’ [J]. To that end the research insights are now being shared and used in the new FCDO, including in training those working on aid spending [A].

Overall, the impact reach of the project can be seen in the fact that all staff writing government lines and ministerial statements are briefed on the national interest via the Communication Division’s guidance, which has shaped aid messaging to the benefit of the UK government [A].

5. Sources to corroborate the impact

[A] Former Director of Communications, DFID, in relation to 4(i) and (ii). Letter of corroboration dated 19 December 2019.

[B] Prolific Academic pilot survey for DFID and preliminary results. Available on request.

[C] BMG survey illustrating refined research design based on DFID input. Available on request.

[D] Former Head of Strategy and Insight, DFID, in relation to 4(ii). Email dated 9 Feb 2018.

[E] Executive summary of recommendations to DFID and presentation delivered at DFID in October 2017.

[F] Former Communications Insights and Evaluations Adviser, DFID, in relation to 4(ii). Emails dated 30 May 2019, 19 December 2019.

[G] Documents relating to social media campaign, in relation to 4(ii). Annotated examples of tweets (September-October 2019) by Secretary of State for International Development as part of #100WaysAidWorks campaign. Indicative example: https://twitter.com/AlokSharma_RDG/status/1168079892392660992?s=20; Former Head of Branding and Campaigns, DFID. Email dated 10 January 2020.

[H] DFID internal document outlining two examples of media communications drawing on lessons from the research from February and November 2019. The resultant newspaper coverage: ‘Britain to spend millions in fight against child sex tourism’, The Times, 3 April 2019: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/millions-in-overseas-aid-to-go-on-fighting-child-sex-tourism-8202l2xrw; ‘TERROR AID British cops will be sent to trouble hotspots in Africa to stop terrorism threat’, The Sun, 3 March 2019: https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/8548027/british-police-sent-africa-terrorism-threat-foreign-aid-penny-mordaunt/; ‘British government takes global lead on violence against women and girls’, The Guardian, 2 November 2019: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/nov/02/british-government-takes-global-lead-on-violence-against-women-and-girls.

[I] Communications Manager, FCDO, in relation to 4(ii). Email dated 9 October 2020.

[J] UK Government press release announcing merger between DFID and F&CO, 16 June 2020: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/prime-minister-announces-merger-of-department-for-international-development-and-foreign-office.

Submitting institution
The University of Leeds
Unit of assessment
19 - Politics and International Studies
Summary impact type
Societal
Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
No

1. Summary of the impact

Research at the University of Leeds European Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (ECR2P) has changed policies on mass atrocity prevention at the United Nations (UN), informed United Kingdom (UK) government policy, and contributed evidence and capacity in the wider policy community. It changed UN policy on the inclusion of partners from the Global South, altering UN strategies to enhance the legitimacy and practice of the R2P prevention and protection agendas. ECR2P research also influenced the mainstreaming of R2P mass atrocity considerations into the UK’s foreign policy and its promotion of stabilisation rather than intervention. ECR2P collective research provided new evidence-bases for a wide range of UK organisations, including NGOs and select committees, changing understandings on how to create more effective atrocity responses.

2. Underpinning research

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) ‘embodies a political commitment to end the worst forms of violence and persecution’ ( UN). Amidst the resurgence of violent conflict there has been significant increase in atrocity crimes (genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing) as evidenced by the fact that of the 81 UN Security Council Resolutions that invoke the R2P, 77 of them occurred since 2011. ECR2P aims to reduce atrocity harm and risk by providing research-based evidence to states and international organisations in their efforts to protect populations from mass atrocities. Launched in 2016, the year the World Bank reported that more countries experienced violent conflict than at any time in nearly 30 years, it is the only European centre on R2P and is a leading research and advisory group, from which the impact outlined in this case study arose. ECR2P is distinguished from the two other global R2P centres (Global Centre for R2P, Asia-Pacific Centre for R2P) by its pragmatic policy reform approach, which seeks to critically address and then locate often overlooked policy alterations that can bring about incremental and realisable reform to mass atrocity prevention policy. Comprising six staff and six PGR members from POLIS, the ECR2P operates an active engagement policy via problem-focused research, consultancy, fieldwork partnerships, public engagement, and informing policy and practice at the UN, European and UK levels. This includes active evidence-generating links with the UN Office for Genocide Prevention and R2P, and several key organisations in the UK and EU working on human protection and atrocity prevention. Three key research activities underpin the impact below.

1) Research conducted by ECR2P staff pertaining to UN processes and thinking on R2P and atrocity prevention strategies has argued for broadening the consultative processes shaping UN member-state policies and perceptions of R2P, contributing empirical evidence towards better legitimating R2P policy development. For example, Stefan’s research argued for an increased role for non-permanent UN Security Council (UNSC) members and for the inclusion of alternative R2P views, such as those of Brazil and others in the Global South, to consolidate R2P legitimacy and support [1]. Similarly, Ralph’s and Gallagher’s research on UNSC competence [3,6] and Stefan’s collaborative research for the UN [2] stressed legitimacy concerns triggered by the limited implementation of R2P through Security-Council decision-making and the ‘use of force’ component of R2P. Ralph’s research on the role the UK plays in the UNSC also highlights legitimacy challenges for R2P moving forward post-Brexit [6]. Stefan’s first-of-a-kind study on ‘Lessons Learnt from Guinea’ [2] demonstrated that a specific combination of preventative, diplomatic, political and juridical tools could be employed at the UN when risk factors of the type seen in post-election Guinea are noticed elsewhere.

2) ECR2P research has collectively examined the need for states to better mainstream atrocity prevention into foreign policy ‘stabilisation’ efforts and to ensure respect for international humanitarian and human rights law within the main tenets of R2P implementation [1,2], especially when applying the R2P framework to specific case studies, such as Libya and Syria [3-6]. In particular, Ralph’s research into UK government approaches to atrocity prevention provided concrete suggestions for mainstreaming R2P into UK foreign policy, demonstrating that the UK government needed to adjust its conflict analysis processes, clarify its position on R2P ‘focal points’, re-write its stabilisation policies to prioritize atrocity prevention [5], and redesign its role within the UN Security Council [6] in a post-Brexit context [7]. Similarly, Stefan’s research stresses the importance of identifying non-military tools available to operationalize R2P [1], derived from successful preventative examples of R2P [2], which has also informed ECR2P training of military personnel in Doha, Qatar.

3) ECR2P research provided insights on ongoing R2P-related developments in Libya [1,3], Syria [3,4,6] and other mass atrocity situations [2,4,6], which informed the presentation of evidence to a number of UK select committees and UK-based institutions working on protection, prevention, and R2P. The insights stem from a body of research providing acute analysis on how, when, and under what circumstances, military intervention may play a role in the operationalisation of the R2P. This includes investigating complex and ongoing challenges associated with mass atrocity in Libya and Syria [3,4], and what effective response parameters are available within the R2P framework and international law [1-3,6].

3. References to the research

[1] Stefan, C. (2017) ‘On non-Western norm shapers: Brazil and the Responsibility while Protecting’, European Journal of International Security 2 (1), 88-110: https://doi.org/10.1017/eis.2016.18.

[2] Stefan, C. (2018) ECR2P Working Paper 1 ‘Guinea: A Successful Case of Atrocity Prevention?’ Forthcoming as ‘Atrocity Prevention Assessment: Lessons Learnt from Guinea’, in A. Bellamy and I. Simonovic (eds.) Atrocity Prevention and the United Nations. Penn State University Press.

[3] Ralph, J. and A. Gallagher (2015) ‘Legitimacy fault-lines in international society. The responsibility to protect and prosecute after Libya’, Review of International Studies 41 (3), 553-573. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210514000242.

[4] Gallagher, A. (2014) 'What constitutes a "Manifest Failing"? Ambiguous and inconsistent terminology and the Responsibility to Protect', International Relations, vol. 28 no. 4 428-444: https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0047117814552144.

[5] Ralph, J. (2014) Mainstreaming the responsibility to protect in UK strategy: ‘ The Responsibility to Protect and preventing mass atrocities – UNA-UK Briefing Report No.2’.

[6] Ralph, J. and J. Gifkins (2017) ‘The purpose of United Nations Security Council practice: Contesting competence claims in the normative context created by the R2P’, European Journal of International Relations 23 (3), 630-653: https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1354066116669652.

[7] Ralph, J., J. Gifkins and S. Jarvis (2019) ‘The United Kingdom’s special responsibilities at the United Nations: Diplomatic practice in normative context’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations: https://doi.org/10.1177/1369148119887317.

Associated funding:

Output [3]: ESRC 'The Responsibility to Protect and Prosecute. The political sustainability of liberal norms in an age of shifting power balances' (18/11/2013-17/11/2016: GBP30,471, ES/L00075X/1. Gallagher Co-I). Output [6] Marie Curie International Outgoing Fellowship (University of Queensland-University of Leeds) ‘Moral Progress and Political Limits. Liberal Responsibilities in an age of shifting international power balances’ (2013-15: GBP251,000. Ralph PI) and RCUK, Rights and Ethics in Security Context - ‘Responsibility to Protect in the context of the Continuing War on Terror. A study of liberal interventionism during the Syrian crisis’ (2014-16: GBP250,000, ES/L013355/1. Ralph PI). Output [7] British Academy Tackling the UK’s International Challenges Programme 2017 ‘The UK Role and Reputation as a Permanent Member of the United Nations Security Council after the Decision to Leave the European Union’ (GBP37,543, IC2\100081. Ralph PI).

4. Details of the impact

ECR2P research is shaping the development of R2P policy in three significant ways: i) by the Centre becoming an evidence-generating knowledge hub changing policy understandings within the wider R2P policy community through global intellectual leadership; ii) setting the agenda and changing policy at the UN, and iii) shaping UK policy on mainstreaming R2P and atrocity prevention.

i) ECR2P has become an evidence-generating knowledge hub changing stakeholder understanding, strategies and policies for preventing mass atrocity. Since 2016, the scope of policy engagement and influence by ECR2P is illustrated by repeated invitations to its members to contribute written and oral research evidence to the UK Defence Select Committee and Foreign Affairs Select Committees and through directly influencing the work of NGOs and charitable organisations in the UK, such as the United Nations Association UK (UNA-UK) and Protection Approaches [A,B], which are the two flagship UK organisations working on protection, prevention of atrocities and R2P, and who are now affiliated partners with ECR2P (see iii) below). As just one set of examples, Gallagher presented research with follow-up oral evidence to the House of Commons Defence Committee on Iraq and Syria and threats posed by ISIS in October 2014. Gallagher’s evidence-base was cited in the CDC report on ISIS in Iraq and Syria (p. 16) and provided influential recommendations on the legality of airstrikes in Iraq and Syria [C]. A former MP and Defence Committee member remarks: ‘ Dr Gallagher played a key role in shaping the Committee’s understanding of this topic which is reflected in the fact that the final report cites his evidence [which] helped the Committee differentiate between legal and illegal action under the Responsibility to Protect framework’ [D]. In addition, Gallagher was invited to give written evidence on ‘The Extent and Effectiveness of Post-Conflict Planning in Libya’ to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, which was cited in its final report (2016-17, pp. 26-27) [E]. Written evidence from Gallagher and Ralph provided post-Brexit strategy recommendations to a 2018 Foreign Affairs Select Committee on ‘Global Britain: R2P and Humanitarian Intervention’ (Report, pp. 6, 8, 10) [F]. In non-governmental settings, ECR2P has directly influenced The UK Working Group on Atrocity Prevention, an umbrella group which includes all UK organisations focusing on reducing the risk of mass atrocities worldwide and on influencing the UK government policy on the topic. This UK Working Group has drawn upon ECR2P’s research expertise and findings [5] to inform about which R2P policies to lobby the UK government [A,B], specifically within a post-Brexit context.

ii) Directly influencing and shaping UN agenda on R2P and atrocity prevention through formal partnership agreements and consultancies to the UN Office on Genocide Prevention and the R2P. As detailed below, these activities include the development of policy to change the UN Office’s consultancy process with UN Member States, direct contributions towards redefining the strategic priorities of the UN Joint Office, drafting contributions to the UN Secretary-General’s Annual Report on R2P, and providing analysis and research-based critical evidence synthesis to shape the development of prevention-oriented policy through the UN’s Atrocity Prevention Assessment project [G,H].

One of Stefan’s research contributions highlights the importance of including states from the Global South in designing R2P-related responses at the UN [1]. This is critical, because while most atrocity prevention efforts occur in the Global South, states from these regions are often absent from policy design and decision-making at the UN, thereby undermining both the legitimacy and efficacy of R2P interventions. Her analysis was used during the organisation of preliminary discussions running up to the drafting of the Secretary-General’s Annual Report on the R2P, during Stefan’s secondment to the UN in May-June 2017. It was during this secondment that Stefan’s recommendation to broaden inclusion of regional powers like Brazil within preliminary UN discussions was adopted by the UN Office. The former UN Special Advisor to the Secretary-General on R2P remarks: ‘ Dr. Stefan’s research on legitimating R2P processes within the UN, and the need to include emerging powers such as Brazil, has made us reconsider the role of Member States from the Global South and to change the way we invite and encourage these actors to participate in R2P related processes and decision-making. This change in policy has been a crucial first step towards making the R2P more inclusive, and more representative of regional perspectives, thus increasing R2P’s legitimacy[G]. This inclusion ‘ has directly changed the way the UN Office engages with the policy preferences from the Global South’ and provided strategic opportunities for R2P advancement in terms of increased legitimacy and support [G].

Stefan was asked by the R2P Special Advisor to the Secretary General to contribute written text to the 2017 UN Secretary-General’s report on Implementing the Responsibility to Protect: Accountability for Prevention’, which acknowledges the regional potential towards the prevention of atrocities [G]. Stefan’s research-based evidence [1,2] informed the 2017 UN Report on R2P to stress the relationship between legitimate processes, Security Council processes, and the need for collaborative work, with Stefan being ‘the first to propose including a section on the important role played by regional players, to highlight the need for collaborative efforts to address atrocities effectivelyIn the longer term, this will lead to much greater legitimacy in the UN’s operationalization of R2P’ [G]. The final report was submitted to the Secretary-General and his executive office. Stefan was also consulted by Strategy for Humanity, an organisation commissioned to conduct a strategic review of the priorities of the UN Office on Genocide Prevention and R2P in 2016. The former Head of the UN Office on Genocide Prevention and R2P affirms that Stefan’s ‘ recommendations pertaining to strategic priorities for the Responsibility to Protect agenda at the United Nations contributed to the subsequent recalibration of the Joint Office’s strategy and priorities’ [H].

As a result of Stefan shaping UN thinking on inclusionary R2P practices, the UN Special Advisor on R2P invited her to contribute to a new Atrocity Prevention Assessment project, designed to inform the United Nations’ overall policy on atrocity prevention [G,H]. The project’s ‘final report is shaping UN’s policy on atrocity prevention, being the first comprehensive UN assessment of prevention risk factors’ [G]. Stefan’s research on Guinea [2] was one of seven cases informing the Atrocity Prevention Assessment project [G,H], and ‘supplied an evidence-base for [UN Office] prevention analysis and identified the combination of effective preventive tools used in Guinea, which the UN could replicate elsewhere under similar conditions and in collaborations with regional and national actors’ [H]. The prevention measures that Stefan identified ‘provided useful examples to inform our [UN Joint Office] overall prevention assessment and further recommendations, [which] aimed to facilitate practical implementation’ [H]. From Stefan’s research findings, ‘the UN Joint Office was able to incorporate the evidence into the final assessment, which made a significant contribution to [UN Office] overall thinking and prevention strategy’ [G]. The overall assessment ‘produced lessons learned to advance atrocity prevention and to improve cost effectiveness ... The project also provided practical implementation advice for the United Nations Secretary-General’s overall prevention vision’ [G].

iii) Influencing UK policy on R2P and atrocity prevention through formal partnership agreements, research collaborations, and the production of policy reports for key institutions working on prevention and protection in the UK. Ralph’s research on R2P in the UK context [3,5] has directly changed UK advocacy groups’ policy recommendations as well as their efforts to inform UK government policy in its effort to develop more effective strategies to prevent mass atrocities through the R2P [A,B]. The Director of Protection Approaches, one of the UK’s leading advocacy groups on ending identity-based violence, states, ‘[Ralph’s] recommendations on how to integrate atrocity prevention into government practices significantly helped to shape our thinking on UK R2P mainstreaming, and we both incorporated its findings and cited the report in our own policy brief of May 2018, Towards a national approach to atrocities’ [5,B]. Similarly, the Head of Policy at UNA-UK states that Ralph’s research ‘formed the centrepiece of our lobbying efforts in this area’, and they invited him to write its briefing report on Mainstreaming the Responsibility to Protect in UK Strategy [5] and to co-write a second report on ‘Global Britain’ [I]. The first report was presented in the UK Parliament in April 2014 and was made the focus for discussion at a one-day practitioner workshop on the R2P hosted by the UNA-UK at the British Academy. According to the Head of Policy for UNA-UK, ‘ it was through the publication of the report that we were able to get the government to clarify who the UK R2P Focal Point was’ [A], designating Paul Arkwright as the first of several diplomats to hold this position – in-line with Ralph’s recommendation to heighten the significance of the role [A]. Similarly, Ralph’s co-authored report on R2P and Global Britain [I] was presented in the UK Parliament and to the House of Lords in February 2019. Following these engagements, in July 2019 the Foreign & Commonwealth Office Policy Paper on the UK’s Approach to Preventing Mass Atrocities [J] explained that ‘[g]iven that the majority of atrocities occur in and around conflict, the UK has dedicated significant resources to addressing crises and conflict by means of a comprehensive cross-governmental response’ and also stressed the usefulness of the Joint Analysis of Conflict and Stability assessment tool (JACS) for the identification of situation-specific interventions, both of which were recommendations made in Ralph’s UNA-UK report ( [5], pp.14-19; 26-27). As confirmed by the Head of Policy at UNA-UK [A]: ‘ The analysis and recommendations of the report formed the basis of subsequent UNA-UK lobbying efforts on R2P, and these have, through the collective efforts of the Working Group [on Atrocity Prevention], helped to deliver change in UK policy. In particular, and in response to the Foreign Affairs Committee’s recent call for a coherent and more precise strategy on atrocity prevention, Foreign Office Minister Lord Ahmed promised to do more in this area’. Likewise, the Head of Protection Approaches [B] writes: ‘ Prof. Ralph’s underpinning research, combined with these efforts across civil society, has impressed upon the government the need for more systematic thinking in this area. The Foreign Secretary and Foreign Office Minister have stated publicly that they are committed to do more to prevent atrocity and government departments, including the Foreign Office and Stabilisation Unit, who are now reaching out to Protection Approaches and ECR2P for advice on how to change strategy and practices, including CSSF and JACS’, a research recommendation of Ralph [5].

5. Sources to corroborate the impact

[A] Head of Policy at United Nations Association UK, in relation to 4(i) and (iii). Letter of corroboration received via email 25 March 2020.

[B] Executive Director and Head of Research at Protection Approaches, in relation to 4(i) and (iii). Letter of corroboration received via email 26 May 2020.

[C] House of Commons Defence Committee, in relation to 4(i). ‘The Situation in Iraq and Syria and the response to al-Dawla al-Islamiya fi al-Iraq al-Sham (DAESH)’. Seventh Report of Session 2014-15; Oral evidence.

[D] Former MP and member of House of Commons Defence Committee, in relation to 4(i). Letter of corroboration received via email 9 November 2020.

[E] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, in relation to 4(i). ‘Libya: Examination of intervention and collapse and the UK’s future policy options’. Third Report of Session 2016–17; Written evidence.

[F] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, in relation to 4(i). ‘Global Britain: The Responsibility to Protect and Humanitarian Intervention’. Report 2018; Written evidence.

[G] Former Special Adviser on R2P to the UN Secretary-General, in relation to 4(ii). Letter of corroboration dated 18 December 2019.

[H] Former Head of the UN Joint Office for the Prevention of Genocide and the R2P, in relation to 4(ii). Letter of corroboration dated 2 January 2020.

[I] UNA-UK report, February 2019, in relation to 4(iii). ‘ Global Britain in the United Nations’.

[J] UK Government policy paper, 16 July 2019, in relation to 4(iii). ‘ UK approach to preventing mass atrocities’.

Submitting institution
The University of Leeds
Unit of assessment
19 - Politics and International Studies
Summary impact type
Societal
Is this case study continued from a case study submitted in 2014?
No

1. Summary of the impact

Professor Dyer’s research on the systemic under-representation of mobile pastoralists in education systems has directly influenced international and national stakeholders, and national sectoral policies. At global level, her evidence and policy recommendations have shaped strategic advice and programming issued by UNESCO, UNICEF, the British Council, Save the Children, and UN Global Education Monitoring Reports (2015, 2018). In Ethiopia, Dyer’s research called for improved government delivery capacity for the national 2017 Pastoralist Education Strategy, which she subsequently co-wrote. In Mongolia, Dyer’s research-led recommendations for UNESCO’s 2019 Education Policy Review on sustainable pastoralist livelihoods, rural futures and closer sectoral engagement with lifelong learning, were incorporated directly into Mongolia’s national 2020-2030 Education Master Plan.

2. Underpinning research

Addressing the dynamics of education exclusion in the global drylands, which cover 41% of the world’s land surface and where pastoralism is the dominant livelihood, is of crucial importance to achieving UN Sustainable Development Goal 4 (quality education and lifelong learning) and other SDGs. Drylands have suffered decades of policy inattention in resourcing social services and infrastructural development. They need specialist responses to the complex challenges of providing education without undermining mobile pastoralist livelihoods, and have benefited least from the expansion of formal schooling using delivery models suited to sedentary populations. Pastoralists’ widespread marginalisation in formal education is a global problem that reflects misunderstandings of their livelihood, a weak evidence base to inform policy choices, and limited technical capacities among education system actors.

Dyer’s career-long research applies knowledge of pastoralist livelihoods and dryland variability to research on how pastoralists’ education exclusion is produced and could be mitigated. Her field and desk-based empirical research, spanning India, Afghanistan, Kenya, Ethiopia and Mongolia, provides case studies and evidence relevant for all drylands. Dyer has evidenced how the global Education For All movement, led by UNESCO, marginalised mobile pastoralists [5,4], because most delivery models create an oppositional relationship between education provision and the situated learning and mobility intrinsic to a sustainable pastoralist livelihood [5,3,4]. Her international comparative perspective focuses on how education services could avoid antagonistic terms of inclusion, reinforce pastoralists’ traditional livelihood and cultural values, and thus better respond to pastoralist livelihood imperatives [3,4] and the SDG4 lifelong learning pledge.

In Ethiopia in 2016, the inter-ministerial Quality Education Strategic Support Programme (QESSP) commissioned Dyer to research promoting pastoralists’ inclusion as part of the Ministry of Education’s policy commitment to universal education. Dyer designed and led a situation analysis of education provision in four pastoralist regions. Her analysis showed that the already limited policy options of the 2008 Pastoralist Education Strategy were further constrained by weak governance and delivery that gave rise to marginalising effects [2]. There was strong reliance on Alternative Basic Education Centres, which the research found deficient in staffing, material provisions, relevance, and capacity to ensure learner progression, while mobile provision remained absent and inclusion in mainstream schooling was neglected.

In Mongolia in 2019, Dyer was the lead international researcher for UNESCO’s 2019 Education Policy Review (EPR) process. The EPR initially drew on the Institute for Education Research’s draft Country Report , which Dyer provided technical inputs to ensure that pastoralists’ educational status was directly evidenced. Dyer’s research inputs for the EPR’s Preliminary Report included a literature review and three field visits. The first (March 2019) included 30 stakeholder interviews and eight classroom observations in Xinti and Dornod Districts, and Ulaanbaatar. Dyer authored key sections of the Preliminary Report, using research inputs to shape policy recommendations to improve access, educator competences, and education quality at all levels of the system. She identified an urgent need to improve the status of provision for pastoralists, specifically by improving residential schools and early childhood provision, and adopting e-learning, and better integrating education as a development strategy to ensure a sustainable future for pastoralists in the rapidly changing rural landscape. She interviewed high-level stakeholders in September 2019 to deepen the Preliminary Report’s analysis; led the writing of UNESCO’s final Education Policy Review ; co-led a participatory validation process (Ulaanbaatar, December 2019); and presented key recommendations on pastoralists at the official EPR launch (September 2020) attended by the Education Minister. As outlined in Section 4, the policy priorities of the completed 2020 UNESCO Mongolia EPR incorporate Dyer’s research on aligning approaches to education delivery with transforming drylands contexts and the need to ensure dignified, sustainable, pastoralist livelihoods [b].

At the global level, the UN’s Global Education Monitoring (GEM) team commissioned Dyer to research approaches to pastoralists’ inclusion for its 2014 report [4]. In 2016, GIZ – the service provider funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) - and Educate A Child - a global program of the Qatari Education Above All Foundation - commissioned Dyer to lead a new desk study, supported by key stakeholder interviews, to identify promising models of school inclusion for mobile children [6]. In 2017, Dyer held a University of Leeds ESRC/Impact Acceleration Account Knowledge Exchange Fellowship investigating Save the Children (UK)’s ‘networked schooling’ model in 371 primary schools in Ethiopia’s Somali region [a], which evidenced how networked schooling embedded in pastoralists’ drought management strategies enables continuous inclusion across the migratory cycle, and avoids antagonistic terms of inclusion. Her research evidence shows that providers need to continue to focus on making schooling more accessible and relevant, but also focus more closely on retaining learners and ensuring their progression [1].

3. References to the research

[1] Dyer, C. and E. Echessa. 2019. Sustaining learner participation and progression through networked schooling: A systemic approach for Mobile Out of School Children . *International Journal of Educational Development. 64, 8-16. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2018.11.002.

[2] Dyer, C. 2018. Education inclusion as a border regime: implications for mobile pastoralists in Ethiopia’s Afar region. International Studies in the Sociology of Education. 27 (2-3), 145-165. https://doi.org/10.1080/09620214.2018.1426998.

[3] Dyer. C. 2016. The Future of Pastoralism: Approaches to education provision for mobile pastoralists. OIE Scientific and Technical Review 35 (2), 631-638. http://boutique.oie.int/extrait/24dyer631638.pdf

[4] Dyer, C. 2016. Evolving approaches to educating children from nomadic communities. Prospects 46(1), 39-54. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11125-016-9381-6. (Invited SI paper drawing on background paper commissioned for the UNESCO 2014 Global Monitoring Report on Education For All).

[5] Dyer, C. 2014. Livelihoods and Learning. Education for All and the marginalisation of mobile pastoralists. London: Routledge. ISBN: 978-0-415-58590-3 (hardback); 2017 paperback 9781138556300. Copy supplied on request.

[6] Bengtsson, S. and C. Dyer. 2017. Ensuring high quality primary education for children from mobile populations. EAC/GIZ. 112-page report. https://educateachild.org/sites/default/files/docs/2017/EAC_Mobile%20population_FINAL.pdf

Associated funding:

[a] ESRC/IAA Knowledge Exchange Fellowship (Outgoing, 2017-2018) with Save the Children (GBP12,000). C. Dyer (PI).

[b] British Academy (2018-2020) ‘Sustainable Development for Pastoralist Women in India: Heritage, dignity and adaptations in times of rapid change’ (SDP2\100053, GBP299,799). C. Dyer (PI).

4. Details of the impact

Dyer’s career-long research has: (i) helped set the international agenda by raising global awareness of pastoralist’s education needs, providing an evidence base to inform and shape global policy effort, and; instituting livelihood-sensitive approaches to pastoralists’ education inclusion within national policy strategies in (ii) Ethiopia and (iii) Mongolia.

(i) Raising awareness and providing an evidence-base for global education policy and practice for international organisations and NGOs

Dyer’s research has played a crucial role in helping key global and national education actors to understand pastoralists’ educational needs for global advocacy and national policies. Global efforts to raise awareness and inform an educational agenda for change widely use her research, and international organisations regularly commission her technical expertise to generate research evidence and policy advice. For example, several UN Global Education Monitoring Reports (GEMRs) have drawn upon her evidence and analyses. Established in 2002, the GEMR is an annual agenda-setting report with thematic foci, used by state and non-state decision makers seeking evidence to inform their actions on inclusive and equitable quality education at national, regional and global levels. These Reports play a crucial role in informing educational stakeholders on policy ‘best practice’ and presenting evidence that supports educational policy reforms aiming to achieve SDG4. The 2019 GEMR, which argues that ‘nomad and pastoralist education needs are not addressed’ ( [A] p. 22 ), for example, makes six citations of Dyer’s Educate A Child (EAC)/German International Cooperation Institute (GIZ) commissioned, co-authored study [6] and presents her evidence on networked schooling [1] in its reporting on global efforts to adjust education to livelihood-related mobility [A]. Dyer’s 2014 Background Paper (which became **[4]**), commissioned for the 2000-2015 global overview of Education for All in the 2015 GEMR, is cited as key evidence seven times within the four paragraphs devoted to nomadic pastoralists [B]. The 2019 GEMR’s use of Dyer’s updated evidence [6] to argue that nomads’ needs are not addressed, that education should be adjusted to seasonality and mobility, and its relevance to their livelihoods improved, shows how her research has raised issue awareness and sharpened understanding ( [A] pp. 21-22).

Dyer’s research has highlighted evidence gaps and this has led to collaborations aiming to close them, including with UNESCO, Save the Children [C], the British Council, the UN’s GEMR team, EAC and GIZ [D]. Dyer engaged with non-academic stakeholders via events in Doha (2017), Berlin (2016), Atlanta (2017), and the University of Leeds (2018 and 2019 conferences w/ Save the Children, ca. 60 participants). The Executive Director at EAC commends Dyer’s innovative suggestion of adding interviews to supplement the desk research it commissioned, which ‘ increased our reach’ as a ‘ wide range of actors wanted the opportunity to discuss issues and contribute’ and enabled EAC to ‘ share through our global network the practical and policy challenges faced when providing quality education for children from mobile populations[D]. The research highlighted for EAC and ‘implementing partners’ the ‘ need to programme in specific ways to provide education to some of the hardest to reach children’, with ‘ clear examples of how policy and programmatic approaches can be implemented to meet the educational needs of children who find themselves “on the move”’ [D].

A Senior Education Advisor at Save the Children describes Dyer as a ‘thought leader’ who is ‘ internationally recognised as an authoritative source on pastoralist education research’ [C]. Her research is understood as ‘ critical for policy and practice as it highlights the urgent need to intervene in a unique, pastoralist centred approach if we are to reach those children who are left behind, and contribute to the realisation of SDGs’. The charity uses Dyer’s research as a ‘ great resource and addition to our knowledge bank’ and ‘ point of reference when designing new projects’ to ‘ inform our education programming and advocacy in various pastoralist contexts we work’ [C]. In particular, Dyer’s work on ‘networked schooling’ [1], which Save innovated and Dyer sharpened, resulted in ‘ an impact in Ethiopia by providing a model enabling hard to reach communities to gain education access’ [see below] with ‘ very good potential for other international applications with mobile populations’, and will also ‘inform […] our future programming[C].

In Mongolia (2019), the collaborative research methodology Dyer shaped to fit the ‘distinctive education and development context’, outlined below in (iii), has inspired UNESCO to revise its internal guidelines for best practice on how to carry out further Education Policy Reviews [E]. Her applied research ‘ contributed to UNESCO’s Major Programme I (Education) and the specific expected result “improved national education policies and plans to advance access to equitable and quality [early childhood care and education], primary and secondary education through a system-wide lifelong learning approach”’ . Dyer’s expertise contributed to ‘strengthening UNESCO’s esteem as a respected knowledge organization providing policy analysis and advice’, whilst some of the EPR’s conclusions ‘are relevant far beyond Mongolia to the global debate on education and learning’ [E].

(ii) Changing education policy in Ethiopia to better include marginalised pastoralists

Ethiopia’s pastoralist population comprises ca. 12-15 million people and rates of education participation among pastoralist children fall far below national averages [F]. Dyer was appointed as the international expert to conduct research and co-author Ethiopia’s Pastoralist Education Strategy 2017 (PES 2017) by the government’s Quality Education Strategic Support Programme (QESSP). A former educational consultant for UNICEF Ethiopia explains that Dyer’s ‘expertise greatly assisted in formulating a policy that was more focused, and progressive in terms of intent and language’ [G]. Her review of international evidence on delivery modalities and empirical analysis of implementation of the Pastoralist Education Strategy 2008 changed the strategic emphasis of the new 2017 Strategy to focus on a wider range of delivery approaches, and embedded lessons from her long-standing research by including details of modalities and extensive guidance on stakeholder roles and responsibilities for implementation [1,4]. Dyer led stakeholder workshops with field teams of UNICEF and Save the Children, and with three government Regional Education Bureaux, which evidenced high dependence for pastoralists’ education inclusion on under-resourced, poorly managed Alternative Basic Education Centres. This evidence, and its equity implications, was discussed at a national consultation meeting (Addis Ababa, April 2016) for 20 key ministerial, inter-agency and civil-society stakeholders. The discussion ‘greatly supported development partners to identify best practices and highlight the great needs within this nomadic/semi nomadic setting’ [G]. For UNICEF, the situation analysis was a ‘ strong independent piece of empirical research’ which prompted UNICEF to commission its own external evaluation of Alternative Basic Education to ‘determine the pitfalls’ [G]. In July 2017, Dyer was an expert respondent for the evaluation, which makes 16 references to the situation analysis findings [H]. In combination, both bodies of research showed a gap in understanding the considerable investment needed to deliver quality pastoralist education[G]. UNICEF subsequently ‘ decided to shift its focus to improving the quality of education in these settings and creating a more equitable standard, instead of supporting large scale ABE [Alternative Basic Education Centres] construction, without adequate follow through[G]. UNICEF affirms that under Dyer’s guidance and co-authorship, PES 2017 departed from ‘ a litany of different approaches borrowed from other countries that were often not implemented, and/or not adequately supported or monitored’ and ‘ instead allowed the Government to reflect more internally on the shortcomings in pastoral settings and narrow the focus based on lessons learned from the situational analysis[G]. The PES 2017 and revised ABE guidelines, along with the system strengthening focus that Dyer emphasised, are reported as outputs of the now completed QESSP ( [I], p. 12), setting the policy agenda of the government and development actors’ support for the years ahead [F].

(iii) Re-focusing education policy in Mongolia to emphasise lifelong learning and education’s role in sustainable pastoralism and rural futures

The official with responsibility for managing the 2019 UNESCO Education Policy Review ( EPR), commissioned by the government of Mongolia (where some 30% of the 3.2 million population is involved in mobile pastoralism), explains that Dyer’s globally recognised promotion of pastoralists’ education inclusion, underpinned by her ‘deep intellectual enquiry and sustained commitment to the well-being of these communities’, led directly to UNESCO commissioning her as international lead for the EPR [E,J] . Dyer ‘ brought research findings from Kenya, Ethiopia and India to bear on the policy debates in Mongolia on ‘productivity’, access to quality and relevant education, and the long-term national vision for sustainable development[E]. Her grasp of global evidence and Mongolia-specific research findings brought ‘ new perspectives to counterparts and national education stakeholders’ and enabled the UN team to integrate into the EPR recommendations to re-orient education to support pastoralism, rural development, and national Green Economy pledges; and to challenge the narrow focus on industrial employability in the technical and vocational (TVET) sector [E]. At the beginning of the EPR process, Dyer advised the Mongolian Institute of Education Research (MIER) to include a new, separate section to highlight pastoralists’ education status in the Country Report that MIER authored, which the UN then used as the foundation document for the EPR. As a result of Dyer’s input, the UN’s EPR [J], which focuses on lifelong learning for all, included a specific, separate Policy Domain for pastoralists’ education (Policy Domain 3, pp. 103-118). Furthermore, the UN’s EPR team leader found that Dyer’s expertise on pastoralism ‘ significantly enhanced the credibility and standing of the EPR team, in the eyes of national officials and stakeholders, and international development partners, such as UNICEF, the World Bank, the Global Partnership for Education, and the Asian Development Bank[E]. The EPR provides a range of prioritised policy recommendations, including improved and equitable provision for pastoralists [J]. Many of Dyer’s recommendations have been included subsequently in Mongolia’s forthcoming 2020-30 Education Master Plan , which is the policy framework for all education sector activity for the next ten years and directly draws on the EPR. As a result, in the UN EPR team leader’s view, Dyer’s work ‘ will undoubtedly impact on the future governance and strategic directions of education in Mongolia as well as the character of development cooperation’ [E].

5. Sources to corroborate the impact

[A] UN Global Education Monitoring Report, in relation to 4(i). Migration, Displacement and Education: Building Bridges, not Walls (2019) (pp. 20, 24): https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000265866;

[B] UN Global Education Monitoring Report, in relation to 4(i). Education for All 2000-2015: Achievements and Challenges (2015) (pp. 98-99): https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000232205.

[C] Senior Education Adviser, Save the Children, in relation to 4(i). Letter of corroboration dated 4 March 2020.

[D] Executive Director, Educate A Child, Doha, in relation to 4(i). Letter of corroboration dated 3 March 2020.

[E] Programme Specialist, Education Sector, UNESCO HQ, Paris, in relation to 4(i) and (iii). Letter of corroboration dated 13 February 2020.

[F] UNICEF Ethiopia (March 2019), in relation to 4(ii). Briefing document - Education for Pastoralist Children (cites the 2017 Pastoral Education Strategy as a programming source): https://www.unicef.org/ethiopia/media/1151/file/Pastoralist%20Education%20Advocacy%20brief%20.pdf.

[G] Former Educational Consultant at UNICEF Ethiopia, in relation to 4(ii). Letter of corroboration dated 30 July 2020

[H] UNICEF/Center for Evaluation and Development (2017), in relation to 4(ii). An Impact Evaluation of Alternative Basic Education in Ethiopia (pp. 8, 12, 14, 29, 42, 41,42, 57,59, 63-65, 68): https://www.unicef.org/evaluation/reports#/detail/401/an-impact-evaluation-of-alternative-basic-education-in-ethiopia.

[I] British Council (March 2019), in relation to 4(ii). Lessons from a Technical Assistance Programme. QESSP: Ethiopia Quality Education Strategic Support Programme (pp. 12, 22): https://ethiopia.britishcouncil.org/sites/default/files/qessp-achievements-web.pdf.

[J] UNESCO (2020), in relation to 4(iii). Mongolia Education Policy Review: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000373687.

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